Managing the China Factor

Managing the China Factor

Mauswara
Mauswara

June 19th, 2006, 3:06 am #1

Since the issue of China's inflence has been somewhat popular on the boards--I wish to express my views with the intention of stimulating intellectual discussions.
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In recent years and particularly in the last couple of months China’s influence in the region has been the “talk of the town” in government and diplomatic circles, among ordinary citizens and media pundits. China’s influence in the Pacific has both a political and economic undertone and as such it is imperative to take into account these salient factors in order to understand China’s rise in the world as an emerging dragon in the Asia-Pacific region. In the last decade, China has shifted from its conventional bilateral nature to a more multilateral scope with its membership to the United Nations (UN), World Trade Organization (WTO), Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and other regional and international bodies. By opening up its doors and engaging in a more robust interaction with other countries this has given China more leverage in its relations especially with smaller states.

Recently, China has been rejuvenating its relations with the Pacific Island states in the Southwest Pacific while concurrently Taiwan also has a close affinity to several Pacific Island Countries (PICs) via its aid and scholarship funding offered to the PICs through the Pacific Islands Forum. The “checkbook diplomacy” as it is popularly referred to the non-conditional nature of the aid provided by China and Taiwan, in their rivalry of being accorded an elevated status with the PICs, has been a cause for concern for Australia as a regional power. Australia is worried that China’s influence and enticement of aid with no strings attached provided to the PICs may pose a regional security concern as that may proliferate corruption in these small and weak Pacific Island states.

Since the PRC embarked on its modernization drive, efforts to improve and strengthen relations with nations in the Pacific have been a major foreign policy objective. China’s revolutionary ideology has been subordinated to pragmatic economic development, linking China’s one-time non-market economy more and more to the international economic system. China’s economic reform which expedited an open-door policy and outward-looking foreign trade system has fostered a robust growth in its economy and it has taken an active part in international economic and trade cooperation on both a bilateral and multilateral basis. This phenomenal economic transformation after decades of insularity has been the major propelling factor behind China’s interest in establishing newfound relations with countries in the world and particularly small developing states. Even so, underlying China’s economic interest in the Pacific region, there is a significant political factor which relates to Taiwan’s bid for diplomatic recognition among the island states. That has been the basis of contention between China and Taiwan in the Pacific region with their overt rivalry manifested in the numerous economic enticements for these small island states, which has raised concerns and gossips among the keen observers.

So what are China’s interests in the Pacific? There are two significant reasons that can account for China’s interest in the region. In its endeavor to improve economic development China encounters various economic strains of which one of those is raw materials and energy. The shortage of raw materials and energy is a major constraint in China’s economic development. The PICs provide an abundance of raw materials China needs in the areas of fisheries, forestry, and minerals. China’s economic relation with the PICs has boosted its trade output and industrial needs, with PNG among the leading Pacific Island states. China has become a major importer of PNG’s main export commodities of timber, fisheries and minerals. The total volume of bilateral trade with PNG reached US$190 million in 2002. The trade volume between China and the Pacific island countries stood at US$838 million in 2005, an increase of 58 percent from the previous year. The PICs play an important role in China’s economic development especially by way of supplying raw materials. While the Pacific Island states are disadvantaged in the areas of technology and capital, their natural resources provide a comparative advantage in their trade relations with China.
Initially in the 1970s and 1980s China’s interest was primarily political in subverting Taiwan’s increasing diplomatic endeavor in the region. China has realized that it can now suppress Taiwan’s bid for diplomatic recognition more effectively through establishing robust economic relations with Pacific Island states. Therefore, it has increased its economic interaction in the areas of trade, aid and technical expertise with the PICs. Moreover, there are two fundamental reasons why China has relentlessly contained Taiwan in its bid for sovereignty status. An independent Taiwan poses problems for China’s national identity by leaving out the Chinese nation a territory that originally left China’s authority due to colonial annexation. Second, an independent Taiwan also raises issues for ethnic territories under Chinese authority. If Taiwan is granted independence then that may lead to internal fragmentations and the domino effect would break up the PRC like the USSR or worse, Yugoslavia. Given these political stakes China would not allow Taiwan to be accorded any diplomatic status as an independent territory. The need for raw materials and the necessity to subvert Taiwan’s sovereignty pursuit are China’s underlying interest in the Pacific region.

As most of the PICs are newly independent states and are somewhat inconsequential actors in world politics, international relations is an important arena where they can secure opportunities for nation-building and development. Diplomatic relations with influential actors like China and Taiwan offers such opportunity where these states can further their national interests in the areas of economic growth and development. This somewhat comical yet rewarding relationship with the PRC and Taiwan provides the PICs an advantageous position where they can secure economic benefits in the course of the rivalry between the two Chinese regimes for diplomatic recognition. The PICs are small impoverished states and their main interest is in what these prominent actors can offer in terms of aid and development assistance. That has been the major interest of the PICs in their political and economic relations with the PRC and Taiwan. Having a predominantly agricultural economy with a primary industrial base, foreign aid constitutes virtually a significant portion of the development budget of PICs.

There has been increasing concern by the regional powers namely Australia and New Zealand that China’s “dollar diplomacy” and the provision of “aid with no strings attached” may animate corruption in these weak island states. This claim has been further corroborated by the recent riots in the Solomon Islands on allegations of corruption in the government being perpetuated by Taiwanese funds and the Chinese business community’s influence in national politics. Australia and New Zealand’s aid to Pacific Island states has always been provided with conditions of “good governance”.

The unique features of the South Pacific island states, including their status as micro-states largely dependent on foreign assistance, have provided opportunities for cost effective diplomatic initiatives by the rival Chinese regimes. The rivalry between Taipei and Beijing has created both benefits and problems for the newly independent states. The PICs have benefited as recipients of political attention and economic assistance. What is more is that the Beijing-Taipei “checkbook diplomacy” has led to the PICs breaking up into two factions. China has diplomatic ties with seven countries in the South Pacific including PNG, Fiji, the Cook Islands, Micronesia, Samoa, Tonga and Vanuatu. It also has ties with the tiny coral atoll of Niue, a self-governing nation administered by New Zealand. Taiwan in turn is recognized by Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Palau, the Solomon Islands and Tuvalu. But some of these countries including Kiribati and Nauru, have switched allegiances several times in recent years in apparent attempts to generate more aid. The Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to Fiji in April 6, 2006, for the inaugural China-Pacific Island countries economic development and co-operation forum ministerial conference has buttressed this mixed ambience of China’s influence in the Pacific region.

Nevertheless, it is important to be mindful that domestic instability in some Pacific Island states may incidentally be associated with China’s recent influence to fallaciously equate an internal squabble with external events albeit that might have an inadvertent impact. An important caveat for the Pacific Island states is that while the provision of non-conditional aid is important to their development, if not transparently managed can proliferate corruption in the PICs who are already grappling with plethoric incidences of political and bureaucratic corruption. It is imperative that if the PICs are to benefit from this “checkbook diplomacy” then good governance and a strong state machinery are necessary prerequisites to facilitate meaningful development and economic growth. Therefore, it is important for the PICs to have strong state institutions that will provide a hedge against corruption and advocate transparency and accountability. Stringent regulation on the use of foreign aid is necessary to ensure that funds are not squandered inappropriately for political purposes. China and Taiwan cannot be squarely blamed for contributing to regional instability as the PICs in their endeavor of soliciting more aid and development assistance from the rivaling Chinese regimes have exposed themselves to being susceptible to corruption.

China is influencing the whole world and not just the region. Its impact is huge and will grow. The region has to learn to manage this new phenomenon rather than being wary about it. The PICs can negotiate with China bilaterally or on a multi-annual program of aid packages rather than just aid through projects. The region today has to come to grips with the China factor as China is globalizing and modernizing and is changing the polarities of global relations. The PICs should use their proximity to align themselves and negotiate development packages in the interest of the wider region at large. The region can also configure its organizations’ membership to allow the coexistence of both China and Taiwan. The PICs should learn from other regional organizations that were able to do this.

In the wake of the globalization era China is emerging from its slumber and economic insularity and that has brought about significant changes to its economy and to the economies of the countries keen in benefiting from mutual economic arrangements. On the part of the PICs it is imperative that domestic institutions and the state machinery must have the capacity to avert the predatory forces of globalization such as direct foreign political influences and corrupt deals in relation to external funds. While China’s influence is a challenge to the Pacific Island states, it also offers important lessons.


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Chen En Lai
Chen En Lai

June 19th, 2006, 3:38 am #2

You copy and paste and you show nothing of knowledge of the great land of China. Please tell us your own words how YOU would manage us Chinese. I will let you know when I stop laughing.
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Hastanget
Hastanget

June 19th, 2006, 6:27 am #3


Go Grasshopper! Tsss tsss. Mauswara needs to know who is the boss.

Hast.
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Anonymous
Anonymous

June 19th, 2006, 6:44 am #4

Since the issue of China's inflence has been somewhat popular on the boards--I wish to express my views with the intention of stimulating intellectual discussions.
----------------------------------------------------------------

In recent years and particularly in the last couple of months China’s influence in the region has been the “talk of the town” in government and diplomatic circles, among ordinary citizens and media pundits. China’s influence in the Pacific has both a political and economic undertone and as such it is imperative to take into account these salient factors in order to understand China’s rise in the world as an emerging dragon in the Asia-Pacific region. In the last decade, China has shifted from its conventional bilateral nature to a more multilateral scope with its membership to the United Nations (UN), World Trade Organization (WTO), Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and other regional and international bodies. By opening up its doors and engaging in a more robust interaction with other countries this has given China more leverage in its relations especially with smaller states.

Recently, China has been rejuvenating its relations with the Pacific Island states in the Southwest Pacific while concurrently Taiwan also has a close affinity to several Pacific Island Countries (PICs) via its aid and scholarship funding offered to the PICs through the Pacific Islands Forum. The “checkbook diplomacy” as it is popularly referred to the non-conditional nature of the aid provided by China and Taiwan, in their rivalry of being accorded an elevated status with the PICs, has been a cause for concern for Australia as a regional power. Australia is worried that China’s influence and enticement of aid with no strings attached provided to the PICs may pose a regional security concern as that may proliferate corruption in these small and weak Pacific Island states.

Since the PRC embarked on its modernization drive, efforts to improve and strengthen relations with nations in the Pacific have been a major foreign policy objective. China’s revolutionary ideology has been subordinated to pragmatic economic development, linking China’s one-time non-market economy more and more to the international economic system. China’s economic reform which expedited an open-door policy and outward-looking foreign trade system has fostered a robust growth in its economy and it has taken an active part in international economic and trade cooperation on both a bilateral and multilateral basis. This phenomenal economic transformation after decades of insularity has been the major propelling factor behind China’s interest in establishing newfound relations with countries in the world and particularly small developing states. Even so, underlying China’s economic interest in the Pacific region, there is a significant political factor which relates to Taiwan’s bid for diplomatic recognition among the island states. That has been the basis of contention between China and Taiwan in the Pacific region with their overt rivalry manifested in the numerous economic enticements for these small island states, which has raised concerns and gossips among the keen observers.

So what are China’s interests in the Pacific? There are two significant reasons that can account for China’s interest in the region. In its endeavor to improve economic development China encounters various economic strains of which one of those is raw materials and energy. The shortage of raw materials and energy is a major constraint in China’s economic development. The PICs provide an abundance of raw materials China needs in the areas of fisheries, forestry, and minerals. China’s economic relation with the PICs has boosted its trade output and industrial needs, with PNG among the leading Pacific Island states. China has become a major importer of PNG’s main export commodities of timber, fisheries and minerals. The total volume of bilateral trade with PNG reached US$190 million in 2002. The trade volume between China and the Pacific island countries stood at US$838 million in 2005, an increase of 58 percent from the previous year. The PICs play an important role in China’s economic development especially by way of supplying raw materials. While the Pacific Island states are disadvantaged in the areas of technology and capital, their natural resources provide a comparative advantage in their trade relations with China.
Initially in the 1970s and 1980s China’s interest was primarily political in subverting Taiwan’s increasing diplomatic endeavor in the region. China has realized that it can now suppress Taiwan’s bid for diplomatic recognition more effectively through establishing robust economic relations with Pacific Island states. Therefore, it has increased its economic interaction in the areas of trade, aid and technical expertise with the PICs. Moreover, there are two fundamental reasons why China has relentlessly contained Taiwan in its bid for sovereignty status. An independent Taiwan poses problems for China’s national identity by leaving out the Chinese nation a territory that originally left China’s authority due to colonial annexation. Second, an independent Taiwan also raises issues for ethnic territories under Chinese authority. If Taiwan is granted independence then that may lead to internal fragmentations and the domino effect would break up the PRC like the USSR or worse, Yugoslavia. Given these political stakes China would not allow Taiwan to be accorded any diplomatic status as an independent territory. The need for raw materials and the necessity to subvert Taiwan’s sovereignty pursuit are China’s underlying interest in the Pacific region.

As most of the PICs are newly independent states and are somewhat inconsequential actors in world politics, international relations is an important arena where they can secure opportunities for nation-building and development. Diplomatic relations with influential actors like China and Taiwan offers such opportunity where these states can further their national interests in the areas of economic growth and development. This somewhat comical yet rewarding relationship with the PRC and Taiwan provides the PICs an advantageous position where they can secure economic benefits in the course of the rivalry between the two Chinese regimes for diplomatic recognition. The PICs are small impoverished states and their main interest is in what these prominent actors can offer in terms of aid and development assistance. That has been the major interest of the PICs in their political and economic relations with the PRC and Taiwan. Having a predominantly agricultural economy with a primary industrial base, foreign aid constitutes virtually a significant portion of the development budget of PICs.

There has been increasing concern by the regional powers namely Australia and New Zealand that China’s “dollar diplomacy” and the provision of “aid with no strings attached” may animate corruption in these weak island states. This claim has been further corroborated by the recent riots in the Solomon Islands on allegations of corruption in the government being perpetuated by Taiwanese funds and the Chinese business community’s influence in national politics. Australia and New Zealand’s aid to Pacific Island states has always been provided with conditions of “good governance”.

The unique features of the South Pacific island states, including their status as micro-states largely dependent on foreign assistance, have provided opportunities for cost effective diplomatic initiatives by the rival Chinese regimes. The rivalry between Taipei and Beijing has created both benefits and problems for the newly independent states. The PICs have benefited as recipients of political attention and economic assistance. What is more is that the Beijing-Taipei “checkbook diplomacy” has led to the PICs breaking up into two factions. China has diplomatic ties with seven countries in the South Pacific including PNG, Fiji, the Cook Islands, Micronesia, Samoa, Tonga and Vanuatu. It also has ties with the tiny coral atoll of Niue, a self-governing nation administered by New Zealand. Taiwan in turn is recognized by Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Palau, the Solomon Islands and Tuvalu. But some of these countries including Kiribati and Nauru, have switched allegiances several times in recent years in apparent attempts to generate more aid. The Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to Fiji in April 6, 2006, for the inaugural China-Pacific Island countries economic development and co-operation forum ministerial conference has buttressed this mixed ambience of China’s influence in the Pacific region.

Nevertheless, it is important to be mindful that domestic instability in some Pacific Island states may incidentally be associated with China’s recent influence to fallaciously equate an internal squabble with external events albeit that might have an inadvertent impact. An important caveat for the Pacific Island states is that while the provision of non-conditional aid is important to their development, if not transparently managed can proliferate corruption in the PICs who are already grappling with plethoric incidences of political and bureaucratic corruption. It is imperative that if the PICs are to benefit from this “checkbook diplomacy” then good governance and a strong state machinery are necessary prerequisites to facilitate meaningful development and economic growth. Therefore, it is important for the PICs to have strong state institutions that will provide a hedge against corruption and advocate transparency and accountability. Stringent regulation on the use of foreign aid is necessary to ensure that funds are not squandered inappropriately for political purposes. China and Taiwan cannot be squarely blamed for contributing to regional instability as the PICs in their endeavor of soliciting more aid and development assistance from the rivaling Chinese regimes have exposed themselves to being susceptible to corruption.

China is influencing the whole world and not just the region. Its impact is huge and will grow. The region has to learn to manage this new phenomenon rather than being wary about it. The PICs can negotiate with China bilaterally or on a multi-annual program of aid packages rather than just aid through projects. The region today has to come to grips with the China factor as China is globalizing and modernizing and is changing the polarities of global relations. The PICs should use their proximity to align themselves and negotiate development packages in the interest of the wider region at large. The region can also configure its organizations’ membership to allow the coexistence of both China and Taiwan. The PICs should learn from other regional organizations that were able to do this.

In the wake of the globalization era China is emerging from its slumber and economic insularity and that has brought about significant changes to its economy and to the economies of the countries keen in benefiting from mutual economic arrangements. On the part of the PICs it is imperative that domestic institutions and the state machinery must have the capacity to avert the predatory forces of globalization such as direct foreign political influences and corrupt deals in relation to external funds. While China’s influence is a challenge to the Pacific Island states, it also offers important lessons.

The way to "manage" this new phenomenon, as you state it, is to close the doors to the damned kongkongs and at the same time make a huge push as the vacuum develops, for PNGeans to take over. The more of the resource processing that PNGeans do, the FAR MORE revenue we earn from our resources.

There is NO further localisation in PNG right now. The whole process is corrupt. The only way PNGeans are going to take over from the kongkongs at this point is to boot their royal arses right out of PNG.

STARTING WITH RIMBUNAN HIJAU
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Mauswara
Mauswara

June 19th, 2006, 11:37 am #5

Like I said, I would like to stimulate intellectual discussions on the topic. So far I am not getting any in this development forum.

Too bad! I don't attack personalities but ideas!
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Associate Press
Associate Press

June 19th, 2006, 1:49 pm #6

China's premier has begun a seven-nation African tour to sign deals to keep Africa's natural resources flowing to its booming economy and shore up support among its allies in its diplomatic rivalry with Taiwan.

On Sunday, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao wrapped up a two-day visit to Cairo after meeting with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and signing 10 oil, natural gas and telecommunications deals. He also agreed to give Egypt a $50 million loan and a $10 million grant to encourage investment in an industrial area northwest of the Gulf of Suez.

Wen then headed to Ghana, where he signed an agreement to lend the small West African nation about $66 million to fund a number of projects. One is a plan to upgrade Ghana's communications network by increasing phone lines and improving the country's Internet system.

He was also scheduled to visit the Republic of Congo, Angola, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda on the tour.

China has taken a keen interest in Africa's oil and minerals as its economy heads into a fourth year of 10 percent growth. Earlier this year, Chinese President Hu Jintao signed a series of major business deals with Nigeria, Africa's biggest oil producer, as well as an oil exploration contract with Kenya.

China is also striving to maintain its diplomatic contacts on the continent, as Taiwan steps up its efforts to gain international recognition _ mostly among Third World countries. China and Taiwan split amid civil war in 1949, but Beijing still considers the island part of its territory and demands that its diplomatic partners give no formal recognition to Taipei.
Both Egypt and Ghana stressed their commitment to Beijing's "one China" policy.

China's headway into the continent has generated some criticism. Unlike Western countries also interested in Africa's markets and resources, China steers away from pressuring nations on their human and political rights records.

"This is not its concern. Business is," said Khalil al-Anani, an analyst with al-Siyassah al-Dawliyah, an Egyptian political quarterly published by the semiofficial Al-Ahram daily newspaper.

He said, however, that China's investments in African countries are mostly in state-run infrastructure projects. "These are long-term investments into which Western businesses probably do not want to venture," he said.

Critics also have said that China's arms exports to some war-torn African nations have helped fuel conflicts, including the one in Darfur, Sudan, which has claimed at least 180,000 lives and forced more than 2 million people from their homes over the past three years.

But a top Chinese official defended his country's expanding relations with Sudan as "mutually beneficial." China's Assistant Foreign Minister He Yafei said earlier this month in Beijing that his country's dealings with Sudan have helped to improve that country's human rights records.

"It delivers tenable benefits to the Sudanese people and certainly facilitates Sudan's economic growth and its improvement of its human rights record," he said.

China's oil firms began investing abroad in the late 1990s, after double-digit economic growth outstripped supplies from domestic fields. In the last five years, the communist nation's trade with Africa has grown fourfold, to $40 billion in 2005.

Trade between Egypt and China alone topped $2 billion in 2005 _ four times what it was in 2002. China is funding 186 projects in Egypt, with a total investment of $220 million.

Wen denied that China wants to improve relations with Africa to control energy resources, saying its oil deals with African nations were open and transparent. He is expected to sign energy deals with some of the other countries on his current tour, though China has not provided more details on what these will entail.

Angola, Wen's fourth stop, is China's biggest African supplier of oil, accounting for 14 percent of total imports.


Associated Press
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Anonymous
Anonymous

June 19th, 2006, 10:28 pm #7

Like I said, I would like to stimulate intellectual discussions on the topic. So far I am not getting any in this development forum.

Too bad! I don't attack personalities but ideas!
A discussion of proposed solutions that clearly will not work is a useless discussion that wastes everyone's time. We aren't going to "improve our attitude" and we're not going to keep the Chinese and other Asians from TRYING to strip us bare of resources. So the only solution I can see is to put them under strong control in PNG. You can't even begin to do that until you clean house. That means kicking them out, starting with Rimbunan Hijau.

If you think that's a radical solution, why don't you read a bit about how the Saudis nationalised their oil industry many years ago. So many other countries have taken on strong even radical solutions to stop an invader.

We have the Asian invasion. Nothing you've said, mauswara, is a solution. "Changing our attitudes" is laughable if you think that can ever possibly be accomplished!
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Mauswara
Mauswara

June 20th, 2006, 1:14 am #8

Calm down don't get so driven by your emotions. I would be glad to read some of your intellectual propositions in keep Asians out--all you people taking an anonymous cover.

Give us some policy options and institutional mechanisms instead of being so lame and stupid. I want to see how rational and non-racist you would be. I am all ears! better be soon.

Mauswara
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Anonymous
Anonymous

June 20th, 2006, 1:20 am #9

Hehehe. Policy options and institutional structures? Man, you're so far out in space it's not even funny. When the Philippinos overthew Marcos they didn't do it through policy options and institutional structures. They started organising around a common goal-to kick out Marcos. Everything else fell into place fromm that point on..........................
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Anonymous
Anonymous

June 20th, 2006, 2:15 am #10

Calm down don't get so driven by your emotions. I would be glad to read some of your intellectual propositions in keep Asians out--all you people taking an anonymous cover.

Give us some policy options and institutional mechanisms instead of being so lame and stupid. I want to see how rational and non-racist you would be. I am all ears! better be soon.

Mauswara
See the discussion piece that I pasted from another thread. Looks to me like this fellow has proposed something which achieves the following objectives:

(1) takes advantage of existing motivation/emotion (people don't implement strategies unless they're motivated)

(2) bypasses obstacles in the formal system (government structures show they are incapable of handling problems like the Asian invasion and thus need to be bypassed).

(3) gets around opponent's efforts to paralyse the process (any effort to control Asian invasion through rules and regulations will be bribery/intimidation bypassed by the Asians)

(4) solves the problem


As far as racism goes, the issue is of course foreigners and foreign companies who take far far more from PNG than they give back. But try to frame it that way and I guarantee you that people will find ways to jump the hoop with all kinds of giaman evidence that they "help more than they take". We're past that point of negotiation, I believe.

Look at this as being a political process. Good politics involves, simple, effective messages. "Kick the Asians out" is just about as simple and potentially effective as we're likely to get.



======================================================================================================================
CUT & PASTE

I guess if I was the one who was trying to address this Asian invasion problem once I got back to PNG, I would start telling PNGeans far and wide how the Asians are ripping us off, giving specific examples of how they take our resources and pay almost nothing, how they feed us crap food in dirty conditions, how they have bought out our country and boss around our PM and MPs like they're prostitutes and so on. I would print out materials, pass them around and put them up in all the PMVs and PMV stops. After people got real worked up, they would be ready to kill and that's when we have to advise that we cannot hurt the Asians, just run them out of PNG. So maybe all the people could march to parliament or otherwise put on the pressure more and more and more until either our government either bought out all the Asian businesses and offered them to PNGeans or they ran out the Asians and nationalised all their busineses. Or maybe the people once they were organised could run out the Asians all by ourselves and forget about the government help. You just know that the Defence force and police would join our side after they were educated about the Asian invasion just like they went against the government and joined the people in Sandline.

Anyway that would solve the Asian invasion problem pretty much permanently without all those problems passing laws, forcing businessmen to give discounts, and having a very good idea of "PNG for PNGians" sign corrupted by the Asians. Because there weren't be any Asians around anymore full stop.
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