Terror Pundits & Private Intel Agencies

U.K. politics and terror threat analysis.

Terror Pundits & Private Intel Agencies

Joined: 26 Nov 2005, 01:46

07 May 2007, 14:30 #1

Frank Gardner
Expertise: Terror and intelligence across the world.
Background: A fluent Arabic speaker with a passionate interest in the Islamic world. Former investment banker and Territorial Army officer who re-invented himself as the BBC's security correspondent.

Gunned down by Islamist extremists in a militant suburb of Riyadh in June 2004 and is now confined to a wheelchair.

Enjoys extensive contacts in the diplomatic and intelligence world to whom he listens with a sympathetic but not uncritical ear.

Finest hour: Surviving those six al-Qaeda bullets and then writing the riveting bestseller Blood and Sand.

Dame Pauline Neville-Jones
Expertise: Intelligence and policy.
Background: Currently chairman of David Cameron's Policy Group on National and International Security.Former career diplomat who quit in a huff when passed over for the ambassadorship in Paris in 1997. Ran UK policy towards Yugoslavia for much of the 1990s and chaired the Joint Intelligence Committee in 1993-94.Dubbed 'Pauline Neville Chamberlain' by the Americans for her appeasing stance towards President Milosevic. Finest hour: Advising Serbia on the privatisation of their utilities while in 'retirement' from public service for NatWest Markets.

Christopher Andrew
   Expertise: All-rounder.
Background: Professor of Modern and Contemporary History at Cambridge and President of Corpus Christi. Prolific author and expert on the history of intelligence. Widely believed to be MI5's main recruiter in Cambridge.

Finest hour: Being appointed by MI5 as its official historian in time for the service's centenary in 2009 - for a large salary and the prospect of lucrative royalties.

Publication of the 'official' history will be accompanied by a documentary presented by Andrew on the service's triumphs. But as the Cambridge wits have it - what if the sniping that he may prove to be a court historian turns out to be true?

Keith Jeffery
    Expertise: Military history and the Troubles.
Background: Queen's University Belfast professor best known for his brilliant book Ireland and the Great War. Jeffery is little seen currently but likely to emerge as a well-informed espionage expert once his book on MI6 is published.

Finest hour: Being appointed MI6's official historian in December 2006. He insisted in a BBC interview, "it would be a deal-breaker if there is not full access and I have no reason to doubt that's what I will have... The deal is that I see everything. I aim to tell it as freely as I can." The deal is of course with the current MI6 chief Sir John Scarlett who selected Jeffery specially. Bless. 

Crispin Black
    Expertise: Terrorism and intelligence.
Background: Ex-Welsh Guards lieutenant colonel and Falklands veteran who worked at the Defence Intelligence Staff and for Sir John Scarlett at the Joint Intelligence Committee.

Said to have been recommended to the BBC by MI5 - but they were not best pleased by his 2005 book 7-7: The London Bombs - Wshat Went Wrong?, an examination of the intelligence cock-ups that made the attacks easier to carry out.
Finest hour: Describing the Hutton Report in the Guardian as "a masterpiece of comic writing".

Roy Ramm
Expertise: Balanced and crisply expressed senior police view on terrorism.
Background: Former commander of Scotland Yard's Specialist Operations Group and the Fraud Squad. Graduate of the FBI Academy at Quantico. The most experienced and senior of the rozzer-commentators, he always makes good sense.

Finest hour: Becoming Director of Compliance at the casino group London Clubs International, proprietors of the Golden Nugget on Shaftesbury Avenue ('a touch of Las Vegas in London') and the Rendezvous in Southend-on-Sea.

John O’Connor
    Expertise: Honest and robustly expressed senior police view on terrorism.
Background: Former head of the Sweeney (that's the Flying Squad to you, sunshine), and a good, solid old-fashioned plod who slipped with 'Slipper of the Yard' in the 1960s.

Sharp and expensive suits. A reassuring character straight from the 1970s including the aftershave - Hai Karate or possibly Brut 33. The BBC naughtily put him on as a kind of token unreconstructed copper but he is actually well informed and sound.
Finest hour: A joy to watch whenever he talks about Met Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair, whom he despises.

Peter Power
...(or rather Peter Power BA, FIRM, FCMI, FEPS, FBCI)
Expertise: Smoothly expressed Peter Power view on terrorism. Background: Well-connected and silky smooth ex-senior copper who runs a successful crisis management consultancy whose name he drops with remarkable frequency while on telly. Even more beautifully dressed than his two fellow ex-police commentators.
Finest hour: Power's firm was running a crisis simulation about tube bombings on the morning of 7-7. Some conspiracy theorists maintain this proves that the bombs were an MI5 set-up - particularly as Power is mates with one of Rudy Giuliani's ex-aides who (as we know) helped the CIA set up 9-11

...and the rest

Dr Sally Lievesley (MD of New Risk Ltd)
Expertise: Crisis management and contingency planning. Background: Attractive and bubbly fifty-something Aussie 'catastrophic' risk consultant. A former Home Office advisor who planned the reform of the fire brigade. Ubiquitous at times of crisis. Her strong Brisbane accent can grate on early morning TV.
Finest hour: Being at the Home Office. Enough said.

Glenmore Trenear-Harvey
Expertise: Anything to do with intelligence.
Background: In-house spook at Sky. Former RAF pilot who is - according to his website - in receipt of regular briefings from the intelligence services.
Finest hour: Lecturing about intelligence on cruise ships.

Charles Shoebridge
(MD of Shoebridge Consulting)
Expertise: Terrorism and policing.
Background: An ex-Army officer and afterwards at Scotland Yard in some unspecified counter-terror role.
Finest hour: Suing the police when they put it about that he had no counter-terror experience at all - and winning. Not much seen these days. z

�To those who are afraid of the truth, I wish to offer a few scary truths; and to those who are not afraid of the truth, I wish to offer proof that the terrorism of truth is the only one that can be of benefit to the proletariat.� -- On Terrorism and the State, Gianfranco Sanguinetti

Joined: 24 Jan 2006, 22:57

23 Jul 2007, 17:11 #2

An interesting blog post on Frank Gardner, investigating his possible spook connections, is at Shapan's blog:
http://shaphan.typepad.com/blog/2007/07 ... d-yea.html
In some ways she was far more acute than Winston, and far less susceptible to Party propaganda. Once when he happened in some connection to mention the war against Eurasia, she startled him by saying casually that in her opinion the war was not happening. The rocket bombs which fell daily on London were probably fired by the Government of Oceania itself, "just to keep the people frightened." -- George Orwell, 1984

Joined: 26 Nov 2005, 01:46

24 Jul 2007, 01:18 #3

Sinclair @ Jul 23 2007, 06:11 PM wrote:An interesting blog post on Frank Gardner, investigating his possible spook connections, is at Shapan's blog:
http://shaphan.typepad.com/blog/2007/07 ... d-yea.html
An interesting piece Sinclair and this was one of the comments:
How about the Honourable Artillery Company? Their website is a bit reticent about just what their TA elements do (The HAC Regiment), and reads much more like a rather special London club. In the 70s and 80s they did the same as the TA Regiments of the SAS, with a few, more ceremonial, bits and pieces. But it's rather easy to rush off into conspiracy theory territory on this. Still, it seems a very likely "something similar".
The Scots Guards and the SBS figure as well, McLintock and McDaid?
�To those who are afraid of the truth, I wish to offer a few scary truths; and to those who are not afraid of the truth, I wish to offer proof that the terrorism of truth is the only one that can be of benefit to the proletariat.� -- On Terrorism and the State, Gianfranco Sanguinetti

Joined: 12 May 2006, 13:11

24 Jul 2007, 08:35 #4

They missed out rentashill Will Geddes
Within the last 10 years, Will has established ICP Group as the leading global providers of ‘bespoke’ Threat Management Service
http://www.nci-management.com/associate ... ddes.shtml


Joined: 05 Jul 2007, 02:18

24 Jul 2007, 12:32 #5

Another veteran pundit to watch out for: Jillian Becker, co-founder of the Institute for Terrorism Studies.


"IST kept in close touch with the Bomb Disposal Unit of Scotland Yard and the Airport Police Authorities. On some occasions IST received information, for instance about the smuggling across international borders of explosive material, before it had been conveyed by official channels , and was able to alert the relevant authorities. Institute personnel undertook to test airport security by ‘smuggling’ imitation ‘bombs’ in luggage through international airports, and found it deficient."

"Fraction Procedings of the Swinton Circle: Mrs. Jillian Becker, the highly-acclaimed author and expert on counter-terrorism, who gave a masterful overview of the current threats posed to the West by both “hard” and “soft” Islamic Jihad..."

"The Swinton Circle is a right-wing conservative British pressure-group with links to the Conservative Party. It is staunchly pro-Unionist, neo-Imperialist and Eurosceptic, and is a strong supporter of Western military action in the War Against Terrorism."
But Duncan, what men believe isn't important - it's our actions which make us right or wrong. - Alasdair Gray - Lanark

Joined: 26 Nov 2005, 01:46

19 Jan 2008, 11:50 #6

Experts in Terror


[from the February 4, 2008 issue]

The defense attorneys had heard something about terrorism expert Evan Kohlmann. He was young and inexperienced, he spoke little Arabic and he would say whatever the government prosecutors wanted him to say. Now they saw him stepping into the witness box, snaggletoothed, pale, with a shock of brown hair combed boyishly over his forehead.

"Do you think he still lives with his parents?" one attorney joked to another. By the time Kohlmann finished testifying, they were no longer laughing.

When he was a college freshman and just starting out in the terrorism-expert business, Kohlmann earned the nickname "the Doogie Howser of terrorism," a reference to the '90s sitcom character, a child prodigy doctor. These days Kohlmann earns part of his living and much of his renown in federal court as the prosecution's star expert witness in terrorism trials. The Doogie Howser of terrorism is extremely effective at what he does. In the seven cases in the United States in which he has taken the stand since 2004, the jury has seven times voted the defendants guilty. (In one of those cases, the jury found the defendant guilty in a second trial where Kohlmann again testified.) At least five additional trials in which he has served as background consultant for the government ended in guilty verdicts. At the age of 29, Kohlmann can claim a hand in meting out at least one life sentence and more than 100 cumulative years of hard prison time in the "war on terror."

Kohlmann is among the most prominent examples of a post-9/11 phenomenon in which self-styled experts service the government's need for assistance in terrorism cases. These experts furnish law-enforcement agencies, the media and the public with their insights on Muslim extremism, and they have emerged to significantly affect the way the "war on terror" is framed, investigated and prosecuted.

Far from being mere analogues to forensic pathologists matching DNA to a drop of blood in a courtroom, these new experts are frequently unabashedly ideological. Their viewpoints, when they publish them, tend to find homes in partisan publications like National Review and the Wall Street Journal's editorial page. Hamas expert Matthew Levitt, who has testified for the government in eight trials since 2004, has a day job at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), a conservative think tank founded by the former research director of AIPAC, the powerful pro-Israel lobby. Steven Emerson, the veritable godfather of terrorism experts and founder of the Investigative Project on Terrorism (where Kohlmann got his start), has served as a government source on many terrorism-related trials and is bankrolled by arch right-winger Richard Mellon Scaife. Rita Katz, another Emerson alumna and one of the few who actually speak Arabic, fled Iraq as a child after Saddam Hussein executed her father, as a suspected Israeli spy. Today she runs the SITE (Search for International Terrorist Entities) Intelligence Group, a private terrorism watchdog that has relied on tens of thousands in Defense Department contracts. For his part, Kohlmann, who runs a private website, globalterroralert.com, signed more than $135,000 in Justice Department contracts last year.

"They all work for the government or they work for government-funded agencies or government-contracted projects," says defense attorney William Swor, who investigated Kohlmann's background in connection with the trial of Jose Padilla. "And so when the government calls them, they are a ready source of government-approved information."

The government has skillfully deployed its experts to augment what are often narrow criminal charges having at best a tangential connection to terrorism. The approach has worked especially well when it has been possible to invoke Al Qaeda--although a string of recent mistrials and acquittals, most notably in the terrorism-financing trial of the Holy Land Foundation and the Liberty Seven bombing case, suggests that juries may be growing weary of it.

Since the 9/11 attacks, few terrorism cases have gone to trial in federal court. While high-value detainees generally languish in military custody, most lower-level defendants who land in the federal system take quick stock of the political zeitgeist and plead out to lesser charges. What the remaining cases invariably lack is a live terrorist plot, an omission that is often addressed through the use of sting operations. In the politically charged post-9/11 lexicon, these are known as "pre-emptive prosecutions," and they purport to snag the bad guys before they act. The cases turn on comparatively lower-level charges like money laundering, leaving prosecutors to make the terrorism connection for jurors. This is where experts like Kohlmann take the stage to deliver what can best be described as the Big Terrorism Picture, a narrative that varies slightly from trial to trial but is comforting in its simplicity.

The Big Terrorism Picture was front and center in one of Kohlmann's early courtroom appearances, the 2005 trial of Ali al-Timimi, a cancer researcher and Muslim activist in northern Virginia. Timimi was the accused "spiritual leader" of the Virginia Paintball jihadists, a group of young Muslims who traveled to Pakistan in the wake of the 9/11 attacks to attend terrorist training camps. Timimi's involvement boiled down to comments he made shortly after the attacks in which, according to the prosecution, he exhorted the men to wage jihad against the United States, a version of events vigorously disputed by the defense. Prosecutors sought to make a connection between Al Qaeda and an insurgent group called Lashkar-e-Taiba, which hosted the training camps where some of the men ended up.

"The Al Qaeda connection was critical," Timimi's defense attorney Edward MacMahon Jr. told me. "If a jury in the US finds any connection between your client and Osama bin Laden, you're going to get convicted. So Kohlmann provides key testimony in the case that the US bombed an Al Qaeda terror camp in Afghanistan in 1998 and there was a member of Lashkar-e-Taiba in the training camp. That was the connection, and when Timimi was telling the [other defendants] to go to Pakistan, what he was really telling them was to go to Al Qaeda. What Kohlmann really did for the prosecutors was to tie it all up in a big bow." Timimi was found guilty on all counts at the trial, which took place in a courtroom seven miles from the Pentagon, and sentenced to life in prison.

"The government has been effective with these expert witnesses because they do paint a compelling picture, and the defense hasn't been as effective at bringing in experts to refute what the prosecution's experts are saying," said Bruce Hoffman, one of the most senior terrorism experts working today. A former head of the Washington office of the RAND Corporation, Hoffman wrote the seminal book Inside Terrorism; but when I asked him if he would take the stand in a terrorism case in the United States, he said no. "I have to bring added value," he said. "I don't want to be a mouthpiece or have anyone put added words into my mouth or base anything on hearsay."

Other seasoned terrorism experts, too, expressed reservations about giving testimony about terrorist groups whose ties to the defendant may be tenuous at best. At issue is the crucial element of context, particularly in pre-emptive prosecutions that focus on what a defendant might do. In these cases, proving intent requires understanding of a defendant's beliefs and motivations, to say nothing of the complex root causes of terrorism. And yet Kohlmann dismissed the idea that "social causes" are integral to terrorism expertise and told me he intentionally does not study up on the details of the cases he's asked to testify on. "I try to avoid learning about what the defendants may have done that's irrelevant to my testimony," he said. "Whether I'm asked to present by the prosecution or by the defense, you would hear the exact same thing out of my mouth." This may be true, and Kohlmann, unlike some of his colleagues, does not display a clear political or ideological bent. But his testimony has the same impact as those who do. It is not surprising that in every case, it has been the prosecution and not the defense that has come calling.

I met Kohlmann last fall in the West Village in Manhattan, where he lives and works out of a high-rise apartment. In his youthful face, the eyes stood apart: they were hollowed out, exhausted looking. "If you wanted to write an encyclopedia entry, the longest encyclopedia entry you could think of about a terrorist group, that's what I do," he said. He relies on "open source" data, which means he spends his days mostly surfing the Internet, monitoring jihadist chat rooms and, less frequently, interviewing the terrorists themselves. One of the sacred tomes on his bookshelf, he says, is Google Hacks, a guide to finding information using the Google search engine.

In person Kohlmann is charming and a fast talker who rattles off insurgent names and affiliations like a kid who has memorized every conceivable statistic about his favorite baseball team. His reservoir of knowledge is vast--if not deep--and has earned him plenty of respect, including an on-air gig as a terrorism analyst for MSNBC. In 2006 he was cited in the acknowledgments to Lawrence Wright's Pulitzer Prize-winning book on Al Qaeda, The Looming Tower. "He's young and he's earnest, but don't mistake that earnestness," Wright told me. "Within the field that he's chosen for himself, he's become a scholar. You might complain about lack of qualifications, but I looked online and there are only three PhD theses on Al Qaeda. The truth is, the American academy just hasn't risen to the occasion."

Jessica Stern, a professor of public policy at Harvard University who recently published a book based on four years of field interviews with insurgent leaders, says simply siphoning raw data from Internet chat rooms fails to take a complex view of terrorism. "They are reading what the terrorists say about themselves, and there's lots of disinformation there," she said of Kohlmann and Katz.

A trial in Albany, New York, where Kohlmann testified in 2006, is a case study in how this decontextualized approach, while effective in netting a conviction, fails to serve the greater truth. Two Muslim men, Yassin Aref and Mohammed Hossain, were accused of laundering the proceeds of a missile sale. Neither had a criminal record. Aref, a United Nations refugee, was an imam at a local mosque; Hossain was a local pizza shop owner. The case against them was constructed through an FBI sting spearheaded by an informant with a lengthy criminal record who claimed that the missile was to be used to assassinate the Pakistani ambassador to the United States. The plot, of course, was entirely fictitious, and the informant's conversation with the two defendants was so vague and in such broken English that it was never clear whether they had any idea what exactly was afoot.

At trial, prosecutors sought to tie the two men to two Southeast Asian groups with extremist factions, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), on the thinnest of reeds. During the sting the government's informant asked Aref, in his capacity as imam, whether he should donate money to JEM given its violent history. When Hossain was asked about JEM, he thought it was a music group. As for JeI, it turned out that Hossain's wife had briefly been a member while in college.

Kohlmann, who has no specific expertise in JeI or JEM, got the call to testify while in a cab in New York City. The next morning he was in Albany meeting with the FBI case agents. When defense attorneys interviewed him a few days later, he acknowledged that much of his expert report, which he had prepared over a single weekend, was gleaned from the Internet. Toward the end of the interview he was asked some basic questions about one of the groups he was to testify about, the Bangladeshi arm of JeI. He admitted he had never interviewed any members of the group. He was unable to name the paramilitary elements of the group or even recent major political parties in Bangladesh. "Sorry, can't tell ya," he finally said.

By the time Kohlmann took the stand before the jury a few days later, he'd smoothed out the rough edges. "His testimony was devastating," said Kevin Luibrand, Hossain's attorney. "He had an ability to pronounce Middle Eastern names with a fluidity that made the jury believe he knew what he was talking about." A few weeks later, both defendants were convicted of material support to terrorism.

When the sentencing rolled around this past March, I met with the lead FBI agent on the case, Tim Coll, who carried with him a copy of the latest book by Kohlmann's former employer and early mentor, Steven Emerson. The book, Jihad Incorporated: A Guide to Militant Islam in the U.S., a compendium of the current terrorist presence here, is blurbed by the likes of Richard Clarke, former White House terrorism czar under the first Bush and Clinton administrations. In it, Emerson incorrectly cites the Aref and Hossain case as evidence that individuals in the United States are "directly linked" to the JeI. With the exception of a single newspaper clip, the only sources cited in the section on the case are government documents from the trial. Coll told me he's a big fan of Emerson. "I've read both his books," he said, adding that he thought Kohlmann's testimony in the case was "brilliant."

In the terrorism-expert community, all roads seem to lead to Emerson.
A former investigator for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the late '70s, Emerson subsequently reinvented himself as a national security writer for U.S. News & World Report. In the early '90s he began investigating Islamic extremism in the United States, culminating in his documentary Jihad in America. The film won accolades, including the prestigious George Polk Award, but Emerson was condemned within the Muslim community as an anti-Muslim polemicist. Shortly thereafter he formed the Investigative Project, which today operates as an archive of terrorism information. He has testified before Congress several dozen times, often flanked by security personnel, and he is courted by law enforcement and media as a valuable source of raw data. Visitors to his research compound outside Washington used to be blindfolded to prevent them from knowing where he is located.

Emerson's reputation took a nose dive after the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, which he initially said bore a "Middle Eastern trait," and again in 1996 after the crash of TWA Flight 800, when he had "no doubt whatsoever" that the crash was caused by a bomb, which in at least one interview he attributed to the "permanent floating [Islamic] militant international." (Investigators subsequently determined that the crash was the result of mechanical failure.) But though he was marginalized as a commentator, he remained a player in at least one important respect. He had the ear of Richard Clarke, whom he regularly briefed in the late '90s when Clarke served as the nation's top terrorism lawman.

Since 9/11 Emerson's stock has again risen. He is a paid commentator on NBC, makes frequent appearances on Fox and CNN and has a lucrative lecture-circuit career--a single speech runs up to $15,000 plus first-class travel expenses. In recent years, his Investigative Project Inc. has had an annual budget of close to $2 million. (Last year he registered a new nonprofit arm to the Investigative Project.) Emerson maintains close connections in US law enforcement, and though he has never taken the stand in a terrorism trial, his organization has provided information to the government on dozens of cases, most recently last year's trials of Jose Padilla and of the Holy Land Foundation.

While Emerson has remained behind the scenes in these terrorism trials, others, like Hamas expert Matthew Levitt--the 37-year-old senior fellow at WINEP (which counts stalwart neoconservatives like Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz as board members)--have taken center stage. In 2005 Levitt testified in the trial of a Yemeni sheik named Mohammed Ali Hassan al-Moayad, who once boasted of personally delivering $20 million to Osama bin Laden (prosecutors didn't mention that this contact occurred when bin Laden was considered friendly to US interests). The case against Moayad centered on an FBI sting where the sheik, who operated a number of charities in Yemen, agreed to accept $2 million on behalf of Hamas, declared a terrorist organization by the United States in 1995. Moayad's lawyers contended that the money was meant for Hamas's charitable wing. Prosecutors brought Levitt in to argue that Hamas's military operations are inseparable from its charitable works. Moayad was convicted and sentenced to seventy-five years in prison. "Israel has a very strong interest in making sure that money does not go to Hamas, and Levitt's articles all follow the same line, which is that the charitable and the military arms of Hamas are all the same thing," said Jonathan Marks, a defense attorney in the trial.

But Levitt's testimony, which unlike Kohlmann's focuses almost exclusively on Hamas financing, has not held sway with juries in several other cases. In the 2005 terrorism-financing trial of Sami Al-Arian, jurors acquitted him of the most serious charges he faced, and earlier this year jurors acquitted two alleged Hamas operatives, Mohammed Salah and Abdelhaleem al-Ashqar.

This past summer Levitt testified at the Dallas trial of the Holy Land Foundation, formerly the nation's largest Muslim charity, shut down by the Bush Administration in 2001. Seven former foundation officials were later charged with funneling money to Palestinian charity committees controlled by Hamas. Levitt, who in 2006 wrote a book on Hamas that contains almost no original field research with Hamas operatives and relies heavily on documents gathered by Israeli intelligence sources, was brought in once again to make the connection between Hamas's charitable and military operations.

"I am not at all surprised, nor do I care that in their closing arguments they described me as an Israeli lackey," Levitt told me recently. "It comes with the territory."

That the case ended in a mistrial has not dampened Levitt's views. In a policy monograph published on WINEP's website in November, he writes, "The failure of the Dallas jury to reach a decision on HLF the first time around is no exoneration--it is simply an initial setback in an ongoing case."

The government, which intends to retry the Holy Land Foundation case later this year, seems to agree with Levitt. At a lunchtime briefing on the case held in the Rayburn Building on Capitol Hill in December, three dozen attendees, mostly Congressional staffers and law-enforcement and intelligence personnel, sat like schoolchildren at oversized tables, eating sandwiches and cookies and listening to a panel co-sponsored by the Investigative Project.

"Don't be mistaken about what happens when Sharia law establishes a foothold in this country," said one of the panelists, Jeffrey Breinholt, a former Justice Department official who oversaw the Holy Land Foundation case. "It will be something as subtle as a single American prosecutor deciding that it's not worth her time to get to the bottom of an honor killing that's occurred in the Muslim community. Because in order to redress this homicide she's going to have to fight through the code of silence that exists in that community. They don't want any part of American law."

After the briefing members of the Holy Land Foundation prosecution team filed up to the podium to greet Michael Fechter, who covered the Al-Arian case as a reporter for the Tampa Tribune before being hired by Emerson. The prosecutors wanted Fechter's advice on how they might do better next time. Fechter obligingly launched into a quick critique.

"You know Kristina [one of the jurors]--she's still haunted by the videos," Fechter told prosecutor Barry Jonas, referring to a series of videos that depicted Palestinian children chanting anti-Israeli slogans and calling for jihad.

"OK, that's good to know," Jonas said.

The two men chatted about possible jury room malfeasance during the trial, the subject of a story Fechter had just published. Jonas passed along a tip about another juror in the case and urged Fechter to investigate. "We could look into it ourselves, but you can probably do it faster," Jonas said. "Bureaucracy, you know."

The Nation (sub)
�To those who are afraid of the truth, I wish to offer a few scary truths; and to those who are not afraid of the truth, I wish to offer proof that the terrorism of truth is the only one that can be of benefit to the proletariat.� -- On Terrorism and the State, Gianfranco Sanguinetti

Joined: 19 Dec 2006, 15:26

19 Jan 2008, 19:28 #7

You vote for your MP and Washington writes the policies.

Dr Bruce Hoffman: - a primer. Scarier than Bin Laden.

RAND terraexpert Dr Bruce Hoffman author of, amongst many, Inside Terrorism, and The RAND-St. Andrews chronology of international terrorist incidents, 1995 and witness to the recent Senate Committee on “Using the Web as a Weapon: the Internet as a Tool for Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism” and colleague of Prof Paul Wilkinson, advisor to the Home Office and author of Homeland Security in the UK and twin architects of the 2nd Volume of Lord Lloyd of Berwick's, Inquiry into Legislation Against Terrorism(1996), the report that conceived the seminal Terrorism Act 2000, which was an almost verbatim copy of Professor Wilkinson's volume and who was, until recently, the director of The Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at St Andrews University, Fife, Scotland, whose research was co-funded by the European Social Research Council and the Washington Policy and Analysis Inc and whose colleague was Evan F. Kohlmann at the RAND / St Andrews Nexus

Lord Lloyd of Berwick's Inquiry Into Legislation Against Terrorism, Vol 1: Synopsis: Page viii:
18.  But I have left to the end the contribution of Professor Paul Wilkinson.  It seemed desirable at the outset to seek an academic view as to the nature of the terrorist threat, and how it is likely to develop, together with an account of possible legislative responses.  There was nobody better qualified to undertake such a task then Professor Wilkinson.  He has at his disposal all the resources of the RAND-ST Andrew's Data base.  He commenced his research project at my request on 5 February, and he completed it on time by 30 May.  It is a work of such outstanding value that it seems right to publish is separately as an adjunct to this report.
St Andrews FOI reply to RAND Funding:
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St Andrews FOI reply to Washington Policy Inc Funding:
Dear Mark

Thank you for your email of 24 November 2007 requesting information
about RAND Corporation funding and Washington Policy and Analysis Inc.,
funding for both the Department of International Relations and the
Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence.

Further to my email of 12 December 2007, I have today been provided with further
information relating to Washington Policy and Analysis Inc. funding. Details of
a grant from this source have been found.

The grant was given to Prof Paul Wikinson by the Washington Policy & Analysis
Inc for £384k from 1/7/02 until the 30/6/05. The project is titled  "Informa
Group Research Fellow".

This is however the only such grant, according to the records held.

If you have any further questions please contact me.

Yours sincerely

Nicki Brain
Freedom of Information Officer
University of St Andrews
Business Improvements
Butts Wynd
St Andrews
KY16 9AL
01334 462776
Washington Policy & Analysis  is an international consulting firm specializing in energy, environment, trade, transportation, technology, and maritime security and intelligence issues. The firm provides strategic business intelligence, analysis, and advisory services to companies, trade associations, and governments worldwide.

Washington Policy & Analysis’ well-established network of relationships with the federal government, Congress, and the public and foreign policy communities provides clients with a special window into the policy-making process. Through a variety of mechanisms, Washington Policy & Analysis monitors, analyzes and reports on critical issues affecting the strategic environment for energy and technology companies.

The firm produces seminars and studies and uses WPA Global Energy, its global modeling system, to examine broad trends in national, regional, and global energy markets.

Washington Policy & Analysis has an accomplished staff of economists, lawyers, policy analysts and international trade specialists offering expertise in areas including domestic and foreign energy and environmental policies; U.S. technology and trade issues; global energy pricing and forecasting; nuclear power; security and intelligence issues; maritime intelligence services and natural gas and international oil markets. Our consultants have been providing clients with business intelligence and market and policy analysis for over a decade.

In addition to Washington Policy & Analysis’ consulting expertise, the firm offers unparalleled access to business conferencing and publishing know-how as a member of the Informa Group, a global company with over 50 offices worldwide, generating sales in more than 180 countries. Informa produces more than 1,500 publishing products and 3,500 conferences. The publishing products are sold to more than 80,000 subscribers and the conferences are attended by more than 150,000 delegates.

William F. Martin :: Chairman
William F. Martin is chairman and co-founder of Washington Policy and Analysis. An energy economist, he has served as Deputy Secretary of Energy and Executive Secretary of the National Security Council. From l983-85, he was Special Assistant to President Reagan, responsible for the coordination of the President's head of state meetings.

Mr. Martin currently serves as Chairman of the Department of Energy Nuclear Energy Research Advisory Board and is a member of the executive committee of the Secretary of Energy's Advisory Board. He is presently the Chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations Energy Security Group and was the l997 author of the Trilateral Commission report, Maintaining Energy Security in a Global Context. In l987, he and his WPA partnerScott Campbell, authored a US government study entitled, 'Energy Security:Report to the President of the United States'. His early career included positions in the International Energy Agency, Department of State and MIT Energy Laboratory. He received a BS from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and an MS from MIT, where his thesis was the basis of an article he authored for the Harvard Business Review.

Mr. Martin currently serves on the Board of Director of the Prague Security Studies Institute and is a member of the Council of the United Nations University of Peace in Costa Rica. He recently chaired a working group for the United Nations which reviewed energy for the Korean Peninsula. He is a former member of the Board and Chairman of the Development Committee of the World Resources Institute. In l992, he was Executive Director of the Republican Platform Committee and served as senior advisor for platform for the Bush-Cheney 2000 campaign.

SEAB Energy - William F Martin

William F. Martin is chairman of Washington Policy and Analysis and chairman of the Energy Security Group of the Council on Foreign Relations. He previously served as deputy secretary of the U.S. Department of Energy and executive secretary of the National Security Council. Mr. Martin was also special assistant to President Reagan, responsible for the president's Head of State meetings. Prior to government service, Mr. Martin was an energy economist with the MIT Energy Laboratory and special assistant to the executive director of the International Energy Agency. He has written extensively on energy security issues, most recently, "Maintaining Energy Security in a Global Context," (Trilateral Commission, l997). He is a member of the board of the World Resources Institute. In l992, he was executive director of the Republican Platform Committee and served as senior advisor for platform process for the Bush-Cheney 2000 campaign. Mr. Martin holds degrees from the University of Pennsylvania (B.S.) and MIT (M.S.).